The news didn’t come as a surprise. This week, Ecuador shut down 16 foreign NGOs for their alleged failure to meet new government disclosure requirements. It was the latest in a series of clampdowns on civil society groups in this Latin American country and elsewhere.
Aid workers load humanitarian supplies to be airlifted to Doruma in Central African Republic. Delivery of aid in the area has been difficult due to traders being killed on the road. Photo by: Julien Harneis / CC BY-S |
Take Cambodia, where policymakers are crafting restrictive rules on NGO registration that may complicate the work of foreign development groups. Or Somaliland, where the self-declared sovereign government is seeking to boost local civil society by prohibiting international donors from partnering with foreign NGOs.
Bahrain, Iran, Sudan and Venezuela are among the countries that have tightened their grip on the NGO community lately. These are not just the usual suspects. Nonprofit workers continue to be monitored, harassed and jailed around the world for questionable reasons. Mandatory, burdensome registration and broad government discretion to restrict, investigate and shut down NGOs are common in countries from Angola to Zambia.
Organizations in Ethiopia, for instance, must notify regulatory authorities within seven days of a general assembly meeting, according to the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law. In Tanzania, an international NGO must “refrain from doing any act which is likely to cause misunderstanding” among indigenous or domestic NGOs.
Despite efforts to improve the dialogue with civil society, donor countries – especially those strapped for cash – can add to the NGO community’s woes. The Italian government, for instance, has taken steps to shift costs to these groups in an effort to save money.
Without funding, aid groups won’t survive. Consider the Palestinian territories, where restrictions to staff movement result in at least $4.5 million in additional costs to humanitarian agencies every year, according to a report by the Association of International Development Agencies. How will the international community be able to support the Mideast peace process if it can’t afford development?
Fact is that governments around the globe are facing daunting budget constraints. In an effort to improve aid effectiveness, donors now stress country ownership and partner directly with NGOs on the ground. In an effort to increase value-for-money and improve national security, their focus is shifting toward the world’s troubled spots. Fragile and post-conflict governments, however, often view an independent civil society as a threat.
That’s why Rwanda and Kenya should be lauded for involving civil society in efforts to revise policies governing NGOs – and others should be encouraged to do the same. That’s why governments should sign treaties like the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance – and then be held accountable for increasing the role of citizens in political decision making. That’s why Egypt, Tunisia and other countries in the Arab Spring must change NGO-unfriendly laws that are still on the books, until initiatives such as the recently launched Lifeline: Embattled NGOs Assistance Fund are not needed anymore to ensure embattled nonprofits are able to go about their business of building strong, healthy communities.
We should do all we can to keep NGOs – both domestic and international – safe even in hostile environments. It’s in our best interest.
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